Lessons from 1977
Thirty-five years ago today, Israel's
most famous political upset took place, catapulting Menachem Begin and his Likud
party into power and ending their "long public service in the opposition." Since
then the Right has held a tight grip on the reins of power, albeit with brief
interruptions by the Left. But despite this ostensibly unchallenged control, at
times it seems as though the Left has been at the helm of the ship.
In many ways, Benjamin Netanyahu is
one of the strongest prime ministers Israel has ever had. His mega-coalition of
94 MKs only proves that there is no real opposition in Israel. Such a reality is
largely a result of the Left's political demise and the Right's success in
winning over the public's hearts and minds. The Left is more preoccupied with
protecting foreign workers and reinstating socialism than with demonstrations
against the occupation.
But alongside the seemingly
all-powerful government there is also an outrageous sense of weakness. While the
Right may be in power, on core issues it has remained mute. The fact that the
much-derided Oslo Accords still govern our political thinking and that the
concept of a two-state solution has still not been discarded in favor of a more
appropriate alternative is a case in point. During Netanyahu's second term in
office, most Likud members have endorsed the notion of applying Israeli
sovereignty over Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria. Nevertheless, the fear
of acting has trumped the same common sense that guided Begin when he decided to
annex the Golan Heights despite the international community's hostile stance on
this issue.
This is also the case when it comes
to the so-called outpost arrangement bill. This huge government keeps
embarrassing itself in the face of five buildings in Beit El's Ulpana
neighborhood — homes that have been purchased lawfully. Once again, another case
of governing phobia.
The media and the High Court of
Justice have also played a supporting role in creating this situation. In most
outpost court cases, the state, through the State Prosecution, failed to provide
support to the Jewish residents there. A normal right-wing government would not
let 350,000 citizens be at the mercy of the army and the minister of defense,
which must approve every construction permit and land purchase there. A normal
right-wing government would apply the state's sovereignty on Judea and Samaria's
Jewish communities. A normal right-wing government would have continued the
fight to cut funding to the Left's nongovernmental organizations, which have
caused tremendous damage to the state.
This weakness should not be treated
as a fact of life. Past national unity governments formed when the right-left
divide could not be resolved; but this political gridlock has long been decided
in favor of the Right. The stability of the current government relies on a solid
majority on the Right, which would be happy to see Israeli law applied in Judea
and Samaria.
There is a general feeling that every
right-wing government harbors a fear of governing from the right. Every time
someone cries out "fascists," we are struck with anxiety even if this is shallow
demagoguery. We must make it clear to the chorus of reporters — those who like
to wave at us the magic words "destruction of democracy" to protest any move
that has a hint of right-wing ideology — that respecting the majority's view is
an important democratic principle.
We now have a window of opportunity
for this unity government to put its historical stamp on the Iranian issue and
the issue of mandatory service for all. But this is also the time to change the
status of Judea and Samaria communities so as to establish a fait accompli and
to create the right balance between the legislature and the judiciary. Only then
will the political change of 1977 be complete.
Tzipi Hotovely is a Likud
MK.
